- Information
1930s: Langston Hughes, poet of the communist movement
- Information
- 04 March 2023 1614 hits
The last issue of CHALLENGE (3/1/23) remembered Langston Hughes as a writer sharply critical of Jim Crow segregation during World War II and as a poet for the working class of the U.S.—particularly Black workers. Now we’ll flash back to the 1920s and 1930s, the period when Hughes became an advocate for multiracial, anti-capitalist revolution. A tradition of anti-racist activism ran deep in Hughes’ family history. In 1858, his maternal grandmother, Mary Langston, married Lewis Leary, an abolitionist who died in John Brown’s 1859 raid in Harper’s Ferry. Her second husband, Charles Howard Langston, was an educator and ardent abolitionist.
According to his biographer Arnold Rampersad, young Langston Hughes was influenced by the poetry of Walt Whitman, Carl Sandburg, Paul Laurence Dunbar, and Claude McKay, along with the work of W.E.B. Du Bois, the anti-racist, pro-communist writer and historian. In June 1921, Hughes’ poetry was published for the first time in a professional journal. “The Negro Speaks of Rivers” came out in The Crisis, the journal of the NAACP.
In September 1921, Hughes moved to New York City to attend Columbia University. Not yet ready for college, he withdrew before the year was out. He plunged into Black cosmopolitan New York and met Du Bois and Jessie Fauset, both writers at The Crisis, and the poet Countee Collins. By 1924, after a journey to West Africa and Paris and an extended sojourn in Washington, DC, he’d become a leading light of the Harlem Renaissance. In March 1925, in the landmark issue of Survey Graphic, “Harlem: Mecca of the New Negro” (edited by Alain Locke), contained ten poems by Hughes, including: “I, too, sing America./I am the darker brother. . . .”
In 1926, Hughes published his first volume of poems, The Weary Blues, and a famous essay for The Nation (June 23, 1926). In “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” Hughes wasn’t yet ready to attack capitalism or embrace the need for militant, collective antiracism. Instead, he argued for the importance of Black identity and called for racial pride: “Why should I want to be white? I am Negro—and beautiful.”
By the late 1920s, when Hughes was enrolled at Lincoln University, a historically Black institution outside Philadelphia, he was meeting communists as well as Harlem’s cultural leaders. In December 1926, four of his poems were published in the communist monthly New Masses, though they were nowhere near as politically sharp as his work to come.
With the Great Depression, beginning in November 1929, communists took leadership positions in major labor unions. They had an explanation for the Depression and a solution for racist inequalities and capitalist exploitation. They called for multiracial unity and revolution. Hughes was drawn to these ideas in New Masses, and he put his art at the service of revolution.
For Hughes and millions of others, a political turning point came on March 25, 1931, when nine young Black teenagers were falsely accused of raping two white young women in a railroad boxcar in Alabama. The arrest and trial of the Scottsboro Boys galvanized communists and anti-racists throughout the world. Eight of the teenagers were quickly tried by the racists and sentenced to death; a mistrial was declared for the ninth because he was underage. The Communist Party USA sent in lawyers to challenge the case. The Supreme Court overturned the convictions; one of the women recanted her accusations and even went on tour to defend the defendants. Yet they languished in jail, many of them for decades.
Hughes responded with a terse four-line poem, “Justice,” for New Masses (July 1931), which accompanied a drawing of a lynching by artist Phil Bard.
That Justice is a blind goddess
Is a thing to which we poor are wise:
Her bandage hides two festering sores
That once, perhaps, were eyes.
For the November 1931 New Masses, Hughes wrote “Scottsboro, Limited: A One Act Play.” The cast roster includes “Red Voices,” who counter racist “Mob Voices” and shout out: “We’ll fight! The Communists will fight for you./ not just Black—but Black and white.” At the end of the play, the “Red Voices” declare: “Rise from the dead, workers, and fight!” For the finale, Hughes directs that “Here the Internationale may be sung and the red flag raised above the heads of the Black and white workers together.”
To Hughes and others in the communist movement, the trial of the Scottsboro Boys was both the cutting-edge antiracist fight of the day and a huge opportunity to unite Black and white workers. For the June 1932 issue of New Masses, Hughes wrote the poem “An Open Letter to the South.”
White workers of the South: . . .
I am the Black worker.
Listen:
That the land might be ours,
And the mines and the factories and the office towers
At Harlem, Richmond, Gastonia, Atlanta, New Orleans;
That the plants and the roads and the tools of power
Be ours:
…
Let us become instead, you and I,
One single hand
That can united rise
To smash the old dead dogmas of the past—To kill the lies of color
That keep the rich enthroned
. . .
Let us get together, say:
“You are my brother, Black or white.
You my sister—now—today!”
. . .
We did not know that we were brothers.
Now we know!
Out of that brotherhood
Let power grow!
We did not know
That we were strong.
Now we see
In union lies our strength.
. . .
White worker,
Here is my hand.
Today,
We’re Man to Man.
As Hughes wrote the poem, in the spring of 1932, he was preparing to join a group of 22 writers, journalists, and actors to travel through the Soviet Union. He mailed back from the USSR to New Masses his rousing poem “Good Morning Revolution,” which was excerpted in the last issue of CHALLENGE. After writing a number of commissioned pieces for Soviet journals and a short book, A Negro Looks at Soviet Central Asia, Hughes returned to the U.S. in the summer of 1933. It was a pivotal period in U.S. politics, when communists played a big role in the fight against rising fascism, both in Europe and inside the U.S.
For the remainder of the 1930s, Hugues continued writing his radical poetry. He also traveled to Spain to report on the Spanish Civil War—the topic of our next CHALLENGE article.
Biographical information is drawn from Arnold Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes, 2 vols. 2nd edition. New York: Oxford, 2002; and Arnold Rampersad, ed. The Collected Works of Langston Hughes, 3 vols. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2001.
The group included a number of students and faculty from Manhattan College who are excited to be working more closely with us. Others came from our Racial Justice coalition. We aimed our poster at the cop station, chanted loudly, and then shared accounts of other racist murders like Deborah Danner and Ramarley Graham. The action was covered by TV12 and we were interviewed by a local paper. We vowed to keep up the fight and to keep the pressure up on our local cops to make them back off their racist policing.
Oppose Biden’s eugenic covid policies
The Biden Administration announced it will end the emergency provisions for Covid-19 on May 11, 2023. This has ominous implications for millions of people in the U.S. It means an end to free medications like Paxlovid, which will now cost $100-130 per dose, masks, and tests. An end to expanded Medicaid will leave millions uninsured. An end to access to food stamps for millions and an end to eviction prevention funds will increase hunger and homelessness. Medicare funded telehealth for seniors will end in 2024. This will imperil more people with Covid-19 especially as the more communicable variants of the virus arise.
At this date, 400 people are dying each day as people surrender their masks and have inadequate ventilation. Why? The capitalists are eager to get people back to the workplace to keep their crisis ridden system afloat.
Once again capitalism reveals its disgustingly racist and sexist disregard for, poor, Black, brown, disabled, elderly, retired, and indigenous workers.
Once you’re too old or sick to work and are not producing profit, you’re worthless and marginalized. Public health activists around the U.S. are circulating this petition and writing articles to alert the public. Please share this petition with your friends and organizations: “Oppose Ending the National and Public Health Emergency Declarations; https://tinyurl.com/prwuzf2s. And join the Progressive Labor Party to end the rule of the rich.
*****
My first MTA union meeting
In January, I attended the TWU Local 100 mass membership meeting for New York CIty Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) workers. This was our first such meeting since the Covid-19 pandemic; it was my first ever. With our contract being up in May, many of my colleagues were no doubt looking to the union heads to show strong leadership in our imminent fight against management.
But, of course, the meeting instead exemplified how much in bed Local 100 is with the racist MTA bosses.
After the meeting’s initial meet and greet with separate departments, we were directed to a larger hall, where we sat and listened to these phonies tell us how they will bring a fight, while their actions have shown otherwise.
I also took note that the rank and file did not get a Q & A session to hold their feet to the fire…a clear harbinger of what was to come.
John Samuelsen, former Local 100 President and current TWU International president, began his speech with platitudes of his Brooklyn upbringing and history as a track worker, saying he will support us fully. But “Sleepy John,” as others have called him, soon echoed the TA’s contract time lies about having budget problems, which we all roundly booed. He also mentioned pushing for an amendment that would allow us to strike in lieu of the fascist Taylor Law.
Imagine asking the bosses for permission to withhold our labor-HA! Samuelsen also conveniently forgot to mention that he denounced our 2005 strike and gave us absolutely no support then.
Local 100 President Ritchie Davis also didn’t leave much to the idea that he will stand up to management. When a section of the crowd began chanting “Hazard Pay!” as he discussed our contract, he noticeably didn’t return their enthusiasm.
KKKop Mayor Eric Adams made a cameo appearance as well. He stood up and lied that his fascist initiative to clear out homeless encampments and the emotionally challenged in the subways with the pigs “leads with mental health professionals” and that “everyone is trying to distort what we are doing.”
Adams’ plan has been to flood the trains and station platforms with racist cops underground to attack special needs people, and forcing the unhoused to accept dangerous shelter conditions aboveground! That’s not a distortion at all!
While the talking heads proved disappointing, there were signs of hope. When one of the speakers said, “This is a militant union,” an audience member loudly said, “No it’s not!” in response.
Many of my co-workers aren’t confident the union will get them a good contract. Truth is, no union under capitalism will get any worker what they truly need and deserve. And that’s where the Party comes in, to present the only alternative: a communist world.
To that end, I was able to have a discussion with two train operators during the meeting. One criticized the fact that the union leadership made no mention at all about Tyre Nichols’ racist murder.
He noted how, as a Black union, that was a glaring omission. He also repeated the party’s line on having to fight anti-Black racism! Luckily, I had a spare CHALLENGE on hand to give them. I exchanged contacts with them and plan on choosing to work at the same line locations they do to keep meeting with them as much as I can. I hope to continue meeting other workers receptive to our line and will keep my best foot forward in doing so!
*****
No kinder kkkapitalism
Liberals and progressives often point out that citizens of some countries, especially Scandinavian countries, enjoy more access to social services than those in the U.S. Other places like Canada and the U.K. pride themselves on providing a better quality of life because they have universal healthcare.
However, this is largely theoretical, especially when we look more closely at Canada. Yes, all Canadians are entitled to free health care, but it is difficult for many Canadians to take advantage of their benefits. There are serious shortages of doctors in sparsely populated areas. Specialists are almost nonexistent except in Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal or other major cities. People make long drives, sometimes days, for cancer care.
In a possible future communist society, we might assign doctors and other medical staff to underserved areas. That seems like infringing on an individual’s rights to our “democratic” minds, right? The difference is this – the physician would not be working for a wage. He/she wouldn’t be tied to a large metropolitan area in order to maintain a certain lifestyle. His/her lifestyle would not be any different from a bus driver, an electrician or a teacher.
Historically, British citizens have been very proud of their NHS (National Health Service). While they generally fare better than folks in the U.S., right wing politicians are continually trying to impose “austerity measures'' that would reduce access to health care. In Canada, federal and provincial politicians like Doug Ford are currently passing legislation to privatize parts of the healthcare system in response to governmental failure during the pandemic. Failing the public as an excuse to hand workers’ health over to the capitalist bosses is the name of this game, and it is one liberal politicians in countries with universal healthcare will keep playing so long as we allow it.
In short, reforms under capitalism are usually short lived or sometimes a complete smoke screen. Only under communism will all people have access to the care they need and deserve.
Like the film’s predecessor, Avatar 2 vividly showcases the evils of imperialism as seen through the Resources Development Administration’s (RDA) violent plunder of Pandora, a habitable moon on Alpha Centauri, to extract unobtanium, a rare earth compound found there. The second installment of Avatar kicks off more than a decade after Jake joins the Na’vi and leads the war against the RDA (sky people). Jake and Neytiri are now husband and wife with four children. After turning earth into a barren planet the RDA returns to Pandora in an effort to colonize it for human settlement. Jake and Neytiri’s idyllic family life in the Pandoran paradise is uprooted by RDA’s attack on their clan, and they’re forced to flee– much like the international working class around the world does everyday to escape the deadly grip of U.S. imperialism.
Alienating class conflict
While the film does a good job of making us hate imperialism and its disastrous consequences such as genocide and environmental destruction, it promotes harmful, racist, anti-worker ideas. The most damaging aspect of Avatar 2 is that it is devoid of class analysis. Although it depicts the colonization of Pandora by the RDA and we clearly see that the Tulkan hunters are capitalists driven by the profit motive, the central conflict is not between workers and bosses, but between natives and settlers. This is clear in its one-dimensional representation of the antagonists and protagonists. In the film, most if not all humans are rotten capitalists from the imperialist RDA, to the violent military recruits, and the Tulkun hunting capitalists who wish to kill these enormous manatee-like animals to extract highly profitable age-defying serum out of their brains.
The only humans who are depicted as “good” are those who surrender to nature like Jake who goes native and Spider, the villainous general Quatrich’s son, who rejects his militaristic human father and is loyal to the Na’vi. The working class is virtually non-existent in this fanciful tale. This perpetuates the myth that workers are responsible for climate change. The does not make a distinction between workers and capitalists and lays the blame on all humanity for environmental destruction and imperialist violence. By contrast, the film relies on the racist myth of the noble savage to depict the Na’vi as pure people in communion with nature who are powerless against the forces of progress. It never shows technology being developed by the native population except for bows and arrows. It keeps them entirely ensconced within the archetype of the noble primitive. By keeping them in an Eden, the film enables the audience to identify and even sympathize with the Na'vi while still being able to disassociate themselves from them as fellow workers.
At best Avatar 2 promotes nationalistic indigenous decolonial struggles as opposed to revolutionary class struggle. In the film's climax, we witness the positive character development of the Metkayina Clan, an oceanic Na’vi species who later abandon their pacifism after captain Miles Quatrich teams up with poachers who kill a Tulkuln to draw out Jake Sully. The Metkayina join forces with the Sullys and a fierce Tulkun and defeat the RDA and the poachers. While this demonstrates an overt rejection of pacifism in favor of armed struggle there is no political ideology grounding the Na’vi’s struggle. Instead, what is waged is a moralistic war against good and evil fueled by a kind of tribal nationalism, spirituality, familial protection
Cameron builds a liberal Eden
So, why did James Cameron spend an obscene amount of money, making a movie about the wageless, moneyless, primitive communism of a population being plundered? And what message does a film made by one of the wealthiest and most celebrated directors have for workers? Though the film does communicate the need for violence against imperialist exploitation, it never creates a moment where the working class can see themselves as revolutionary agents. By making the protagonists a different species, living on another planet in the distant future, Cameron is telling the modern proletariat that they are ill-equipped to smash capitalism. They should adapt to climate change embrace eco capitalism and live in harmony with nature like the Na’vi.
Far from promoting a revolutionary message, Cameron believes that a kinder greener capitalism is possible. A self-professed environmentalist and vegan, Cameron' Avatar films promote his liberal politics, championing individualism and romanticizing primitive communism. For Cameron all worker’s need to do is be in tune with nature and live a “responsible” green capitalist lifestyle. Still, Avatar 2 is worth watching if only for the opportunities it creates to counter the myth that only a morally superior alien species is powerful enough to smash imperialism with real-life historical examples of revolutionary working-class heroism from the Soviet Union to China.
After weeks of militant multiracial fightback led by Black and Latin workers, the APD released body camera footage of the killing. The Georgia Bureau of Investigation, Atlanta’s killer kkkops, and politicians claim that Tort shot cops first, and thus, “deserved” to die. However, Tort’s family in Panama and friends in Atlanta called it: the police shot each other first and used it as ammunition to shoot at workers occupying the forest and killed Tort with 13 shots in the crossfire.
For the last two years, working-class fighters have occupied the Atlanta forest in protest of what fighters call ‘Cop City,’ a 85-acre $90 million police training facility through an Atlanta forest. Police forces from Atlanta to Israel will learn how to squelch working-class rebellion, especially any fightback led by communist fighters like Progressive Labor Party (PLP).
With bosses in the U.S, China, and Russia ramping up for World War III, and the U.S. bosses sinking deeper into crisis the last thing they need is militant multiracial working class rebellion in the urban centers.
The desperate rulers will need fascism to discipline the working class and will need to build more kkkop cities to keep workers in check as they spend trillions oiling their war machine while workers are pushed into starvation and homelessness. Black liberal mayors across the U.S. are proving they are the best candidates for the job.
Black-led city attacks Black workers
Georgia is a key state in the battle to win workers to pledge allegiance to the U.S. The bosses plan to build Cop City in “South River Forest,” called the Weelaunee Forest, “one of Atlanta’s largest remaining green spaces, a prime example of environmental racism. The forest encompasses a three-hundred-acre, city-owned tract of land that sits in a poor and predominantly Black” part of Atlanta (New Yorker, 8/3/22).
After the police murder of George Floyd in 2020, Atlanta workers responded with mass antiracist protest, marching toward and smashing the headquarters of U.S. liberal news media– the CNN building.
Keisha Lance Bottoms— former mayor of Atlanta and now part of the Jim Crow Biden administration—supports Cop City and openly shamed the protestors’ militancy and left her position to make way for liberal misleaders like Mayor Andre Dickens, Senator Reverend Warnock and Stacey Abrams.
“Most of the residents in neighborhoods around the forest are Black and municipal planning has neglected the area for decades. The plans to preserve the forest and make it a historic public amenity were adopted in 2017 as part of Atlanta’s city charter, or constitution. But the Atlanta city council wound up approving the training center anyway…” (The Guardian, 1/23)
The bosses want to ensure that they have a militarized and functioning force to attack the working class. The U.S. ruling class and bosses all over the world want to be prepared for the international uprisings that will spring up in the wake racist police murders.
Liberal politics and police murder
PLP stands with the protests against Cop City. With Cop City now being green-lighted, it is more urgent than ever that PLers connect the struggle to what’s happening locally and internationally. Antiracist leaders are calling protests the week of February 19-26.
For our class to smash racist police terror, workers around the world must commit to building a Party that will organize and shape struggle, galvanize it and focus it, and push for communist revolution.
- Information
Langston Hughes, antiracist writer & communist
- Information
- 18 February 2023 1028 hits
This is part one of a three-part series. This article is a republication and originally appeared in CHALLENGE in February 2021. The history here is worth reprinting, revisiting, and relearning every year.
Langston Hughes was the premier 20th-century poet for the U.S. working class, and particularly for Black workers. He spoke to their dreams of a world without racism and the harsh realities of Jim Crow and pervasive segregation. Born in 1901 in Joplin, Missouri, and raised in the Midwest, Hughes spent his early 20s attending colleges, working on ships, and traveling through West Africa and Europe. He became one of the leading artists of the Harlem Renaissance in the 1920s, when writers, musicians, painters, sculptors, actors, historians, sociologists, and organizers made Harlem a dynamic center for culture and politics. Even the Depression of the 1930s could not dampen this creative environment for Black artists, thinkers, and organizers.
The 1930s was also the decade when many well-known artists embraced communist ideas in their quest to end the racist inequalities of capitalism. In 1932, Hughes went to the Soviet Union with a group of Black artists and filmmakers to create a film about Black life and racism in the U.S. South (The project was canceled after Franklin Roosevelt recognized the USSR). Later Hughes traveled to Spain for the Baltimore Afro-American, a weekly newspaper, to cover the anti-fascist struggle in the Spanish Civil War. This was the period of his most radical poetry, much of it submitted to New Masses, a weekly edited by members of the Communist Party USA (CP). One of his most famous was “Good Morning Revolution,” which Hughes wrote in 1932. It openly calls for a society run by and for the working class. Here are some excerpts:
Good-morning, Revolution:
You’re the very best friend
I ever had
We gonna pal around together from now on.
…
Listen, Revolution,
We’re buddies, see –
Together,
We can take everything:
Factories, arsenals, houses, ships,
Railroads, forests, fields, orchards,
Bus lines, telegraphs, radios,
(Jesus! Raise hell with radios!)
Steel mills, coal mines, oil wells, gas,
All the tools of production,
(Great day in the morning!)
Everything –
And turn ‘em over to the people who work.
Rule and run ‘em for us people who work.
Fighting Jim Crow and police murder
The political ground shifted in the 1940s, as the CP focused less on communist revolution and more on building an anti-fascist united front to defeat Germany in World War II. Black workers and communists advanced the “Double V” goal—victory against the fascists in Europe and victory against segregation at home. In 1942, Hughes was hired by the Chicago Defender, another prominent Black newspaper. His columns attacked the racist abuse of Black soldiers stationed in the South, which Hughes compared to Nazi Germany. In a February 26, 1944 column, Hughes described a Black soldier just returned to the U.S. from fighting overseas. The soldier suffered from “Jim Crow shock, too much discrimination—segregation-fatigue which, to a sensitive Negro, can be just as damaging as days of
heavy air bombardment.” In August 1943, when a Black soldier was shot and wounded by a cop after a fracas at the Braddock Hotel at West 126th Street, the rumor spread that the soldier had been killed. In the ensuing rebellion, stores were looted and property damage was estimated at up to $5 million. Six thousand National Guardsmen were called in and over six hundred people were arrested. (See Dominic J. Capeci, Jr., The Harlem Riot of 1943, Philadelphia: 1977.)
To Hughes, the politics of the incident were clear. In his August 14, 1943, Chicago Defender column addressed to “White Shopkeepers Who Own Stores in Negro Neighborhoods,” Hughes wrote: “The damage to your stores is primarily a protest against the whole rotten system of Jim Crow ghettos, Jim Crow cars, and Jim Crow treatment of Negro soldiers. But, you say, you are not responsible for those Jim Crow conditions. Why should your windows be broken? They shouldn’t. I am sorry they are. But I can tell you WHY they are broken.” Hughes goes on to cite Black workers’ grievances, from racist unemployment to price gouging and substandard housing. He ends by observing: “I do not believe in mob violence as a solution for social problems. But I do understand what it is that makes many young people in Negro neighborhoods an easy prey to that desperate desire born of frustration—to which you contribute—to hurl a brick through a window.”
In his book-length poem suite, Montage of a Dream Deferred (1951), Hughes included the poem “Harlem,” which expresses visceral sensations of pent-up rage:
What happens to a dream deferred?
Does it dry up
like a raisin in the sun?
Or fester like a sore----
And then run?
Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over ----
like a syrupy sweet?
Maybe it just sags
like a heavy load.
Or does it explode?
Writing and Fighting anti-communist opppression
In the late 1940s, as the U.S. capitalist rulers vied for world supremacy against the socialist Soviet Union, the bosses’ federal government led the charge to investigate and harass members of the Communist Party USA. In January 1949, twelve CPUSA leaders, including Black New York City Councilman Benjamin Davis Jr., went on trial for violating the Smith Act by “advocating the violent overthrow of the U.S. government.” Though Hughes never officially joined the CPUSA, his communist sympathies were clear. The FBI placed him under surveillance. Writing in the Chicago Defender, February 5, 1949, he declared that the trial was
the most important thing happening in America today . . . because it is your trial—all who question the status quo—who question things as they are—all poor people, Negroes, Jews, un-white Americans, un-rich Americans are on trial. . . . They are being tried because they say it is wrong for anybody—Mexicans, Negroes, Chinese, Japanese, Jews, Armenians—to be segregated in America; because they say it is wrong for anybody to make millions of dollars from any business while the workers in that business do not make enough to save a few hundred dollars to live on when they get old and broken down and unable to work anymore; they are being tried because they do not believe in wars that kill millions of young men and make millions of dollars for those who already have millions of dollars; they are being tried because they believe it is better in peace time to build schools, hospitals, and public power projects than to build warplanes and battleships.
By the 1950s, the bosses’ blacklisting and FBI harassment led many communists and leftists to retreat from open activism. But Hughes kept writing for the Chicago Defender until 1962. His bold and lyrical poetry, notably the two poems of One-Way Ticket (1951) that address lynchings in the South, live on as an inspiration to all who struggle against racism and for the international working class.
