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    Youth Leadership Takes Hold at Salvador PLP Communist Schools

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    07 January 2010 380 hits

    EL SALVADOR, January 2  — “There will always be the exploited until we eliminate the exploiters,” declared a worker at one of two communist political schools comprising 35 workers, students and farmworkers. These end-of-the-year gatherings were filled with political education, revolutionary solidarity and splendid dinners.

    We discussed an international report, the document “Reform and Revolution” and CHALLENGE — distribution, writing articles and building clubs and study groups.

    Two junior high school students explained how inter-imperialist rivalry between the U.S., Russia, China and Europe has worldwide effects, including directly on the working class here. They are understanding and spreading PLP’s communist ideas. One participated in several meetings; the other was attending for the first time. Both were applauded for their contributions about PLP’s revolutionary struggle.

    Two comrades led the “Reform and Revolution” discussion. The youth directed questions to everyone, especially the Party leadership here, about the urgency of advancing revolutionary communism, not becoming absorbed in the work of the reform leaders. The older  comrade reviewed his experience in mass organizations since the 1960’s.

    One comrade observed that those here “are those we’ve most developed onto the communist road and we’re directing to take our scientific  Marxist Leninist ideas into all the mass organizations.”

    Another comrade revealed that her organization just had a march of 500 women demanding jobs and better living conditions. Because of this, they immediately assigned a comrade to that area in January,  aiming to establish contacts with the factory workers in the “free zones” (maquillas) through comrades living there.

    Another comrade said she was leading classes for women on “Non-Sexist and Inclusive Education,” presenting a communist line. Some teachers have already responded positively. El Salvador has many feminist movements which pose the struggle as one of men against women, not as a fight to destroy the capitalist system, the source of sexism. This comrade has a political base in this union, helping to strengthen this work. Together with these other teachers she explained that her political training stems from the Party’s line, centering the discussion on the evils of capitalism, like sexism.

    A comrade heading the editorial collective led the discussion of CHALLENGE, emphasizing two points: (1) the need to write more for the paper; and (2) using CHALLENGE as an organizer, educator and agitator for the working class. On the first point, a young comrade noted that Lenin, in “What is to Be Done,” emphasized “that a Party without a communist newspaper reporting workers’ struggles worldwide has serious problems growing with a communist line.”

    On the second point, it was stressed that each Party member must convert CHALLENGE networks into study groups about communist politics and activity. We can’t continue giving someone the paper without following up with that person politically. Just distributing the paper doesn’t guarantee political development; quantity and quality should go together. The paper should open the door to political discussions about building more clubs, study groups ad class struggle.

    The comrades also emphasized how the content of CHALLENGE historically has reflected the reality of the capitalist system, and how we must fight the illusions within the working class in reformism, and in the bosses’ elections. We discussed the electoral victories of Obama in the U.S. and Funes-FMLN in El Salvador. Many workers think, “here comes the change.” CHALLENGE has fought these illusory
    ideas the bosses try to instill in workers.

    This weekend culminated a whole process of previous meetings and visits throughout the year which defined the topics, decide who would come and who would lead the discussions, as well as the process of teaching and learning inside the PLP to develop more and better leaders. We pledged, in 2010, to enter the fight with greater commitment, strength and desire to build the PLP in the working class. 

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    China-U.S. Pipeline Battle Speeds Drive to World War

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    07 January 2010 381 hits

    Chinese imperialists recently opened a pipeline that will deliver 70 billion cubic meters of natural gas yearly from Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan to China’s Xinjiang province.  This sharply intensifies the inter-imperialist dogfight over central Asia’s vast energy resources, benefiting the China-Russia-Iran axis while inflicting a serious blow to U.S. bosses’ geopolitical interests.  China’s gains will force the U.S. rulers to launch more regional wars, accelerating the drive toward World War III.

    The Chinese pipeline is a major blow to the U.S.-EU plans for the Nabucco and TAPI pipelines that led to the increased U.S. troop commitment in Afghanistan. Nabucco would deliver central Asian gas to Europe through Turkey, bypassing Russia and Iran and breaking Russia’s chokehold on the European energy market. TAPI (the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline) would take this gas to Pakistan and India, further isolating Iran. 

    Now, Moscow can continue to use its virtual monopoly of Europe’s energy market to align major European countries with its geopolitical interests. Pakistan and India may have to rely on Iranian gas via IPI (the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline) which Pakistan and Iran, against U.S. opposition, have agreed to build. 

    Bypassing Malacca Strait Crucial
    to China’s War Strategy

    Eighty percent of China’s imported oil passes through Malacca, a narrow sea passage easily closed by the U.S. in case of a major confrontation with China. To get around this, China is building pipeline ports in Pakistan and Myanmar, both of which border China, to deliver this oil and future Myanmar gas via land routes to China’s northwestern provinces.

    U.S. bosses have already deployed war ships in the Indian Ocean, positioned to intercept these Chinese oil tankers, and are negotiating for more naval bases in the area. China’s response: speed up construction of its blue-water navy and build a string of naval bases along the Indian Ocean rim.

    Middle Eastern Oil Indispensable for China’s Growth And Military Power

    The richest energy sources for China, available via land, lie in Central Asia, the Middle East and Russia. Thus, China has also built a pipeline from oil-rich Kazakhstan that, starting this year, will carry 400,000 barrels per day to Xinjiang. China is also signing mega-deals with Russia to deliver, also through Xinjiang, Siberian oil and gas for the next two decades.

    Central Asia can satisfy all of China’s gas needs, but not all of its oil. Imperialist alliances are temporary. Russia, an imperialist competitor, could in the long run be an unreliable source. Thus, Chinese bosses need to confront the U.S. for control of the Middle East, most sharply right now over Iraq and Iran.

    In spite of the fact that Exxon Mobil and Shell won bids on the biggest oil fields in Iraq’s June oil auction and almost got double the price China and Russia will receive per barrel of oil produced, US bosses are not happy. As oil magnate T. Boone Pickens told the Congressional Natural Gas Caucus in October, “We’re entitled to it… Heck, we even lost 5,000 of our people, 65,000 injured and a trillion, five hundred billion dollars. We leave there with the Chinese getting the oil.”

    That won’t happen peacefully. The US rulers did not butcher over a million Iraqi workers for China’s sake!  The U.S. oil majors did not even bother to participate in the bidding at Iraq’s December auction. With over 250,000 soldiers and mercenaries still occupying Iraq, they plan to change the rules of the game. Chinese bosses also know that they are at a disadvantage in Iraq. That only leaves them Iran – for now.

    Iran has the second largest gas and third largest oil deposits in the world.  It’s China’s best bet for securing its oil by land.  So China has invested over $120 billion in Iranian energy infrastructure over the last five years, while becoming Iran’s main trading partner and a main arms supplier.

    But the U.S. bosses want that Iranian gas, too, especially after China’s gains in Central Asia.  That’s what could resurrect Nabucco and TAPI.  If they can’t take advantage of current Iranian political unrest to install a pro-U.S. regime, the U.S. ruling class will sooner, rather than later, possibly have to risk invading Iran.

    War has increasingly become the only option for U.S. imperialism. Richard Morningstar, US special envoy for energy, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about China’s use of its huge monetary reserves to back its geopolitical thrust into Central Asia:  “…and we [U.S.] can’t compete in this way.” Stephen Blank of the U.S. War College wrote last October that Xinjiang, China’s doorway to Central Asia’s trade and energy and Russian oil, is a “pressure cooker” that Beijing can’t control.  His implication:  the U.S. could use its ties with the province’s Uighur separatist movement to make the pipelines inoperable.

    U.S. covert operations in Xinjiang and Tibet and widening regional wars in Yemen and Afghanistan show that the profit system is marching inevitably toward WWIII. It is ever more urgent to spread our communist line among workers, soldiers, and students and win masses of them in the US and worldwide to join PLP.  We must prepare to turn the world bosses’ bloodbath into an armed uprising for communism. 

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    Capitalism Turns Cure into Racist Killer, Cutting Back on Mammography

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    07 January 2010 412 hits

    It isn’t bad enough that capitalism ruins our health through overwork, unemployment, on-the-job accidents, air and water pollution, toxins in food, and sending young working-class men and women to war to kill other workers or be killed. Nor is it bad enough that it provides a kind of health care that gives us one of the worst overall outcomes for the working class in the entire industrialized part of the world, in terms of life expectancy, infant mortality, and other measures of health. 

    Now the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, a so-called panel of “experts” appointed by the U.S. Government, calls for wrecking even what little preventive care we get. In the middle of November they revised their previous recommendations for screening mammography, which happens today to be the best way to detect breast cancer while it is still curable. This panel of “experts” consists of 16 doctors, nurses, and scientists who study statistics, but contains not a single expert in breast care. That is, not a single cancer specialist, radiologist (particularly one specializing in mammography), or breast surgeon.

    The Task Force recommended that women from 40 to 49 years of age, or older than 75 years, not receive screening mammography and that women between 50 and 74 be screened only every other year rather than every year, as it now stands. They claim that screening mammography does women more harm than good by emphasizing the number of times women are called back for additional mammographic views or for an ultrasound, or for a biopsy (usually involving use of a needle to take a small piece of tissue to be examined under a microscope). Many more women are called back than actually have cancer, approximately 30 times as many on average. But most of these women are cleared at the first stage, many more at the second stage, and only about one in six of these gets a biopsy.

    The Task Force, however, has decided the “stress” for women being called back is worse than the cancer being found after it has reached such a size that it is no longer curable. They have been supported by various doctors and others on the grounds that they are basing their conclusions on science. But science only provides numbers. Weighing the numbers is a political value judgment. And their value judgment is that saving money for the imperialist ruling class to use for more wars is more important than the women’s lives that could be saved.

    Besides, the number of women who are called back or who undergo biopsy varies tremendously with the experience of the mammographer (radiologist who interprets the x-rays). So rather than call for improving their skill and experience by more training and by requiring that only specialists in mammography be allowed to interpret mammograms, the Task Force calls for allowing fewer women to receive mammography. 

    Three weeks following these recommendations, the state of California put part of them into practice, despite the fact that most doctors are refusing to follow them. California has now stated that they will no longer provide Medicare and Medicaid funding for screening mammography for women in their 40s — a racist death sentence for far too many of the overwhelmingly black and Latina working-class women recipients of those programs. Capitalism truly kills, in more ways than we can count. J

    Mammography done on an annual basis, along with improved treatment of breast cancer, has been shown to save about 30-40% of lives from this particular disease, with mammography contributing most of that improvement.  Doing it every other year will allow many more cancers to escape detection until they are no longer curable, just as the racist differences in the availability of medical care causes a higher death rate from breast cancer for black women (28%) than for white women (18%).

    

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    Comrade Lee Simon: A Selfless Fighter for the Working Class

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    07 January 2010 431 hits

    Comrade John Lee Simon died on November 20 from multiple sclerosis, which he fought for many years and which ultimately debilitated him. Lee had a smile that lit up his face and those of others around him. We remember him with that smile and a bunch of CHALLENGES in his arm, lined up so you could see both the English and Spanish versions.

    Lee was a determined, disciplined and courageous comrade, full of love for, and confidence in, the working class. As a junior high school science teacher he led many anti-racist struggles inside the school and in the community where he lived. Almost daily he visited parents and students in their homes. He sold them CHALLENGE, confidently saying that it is a revolutionary, communist newspaper and patiently explaining why it was important to read. Years later his students greeted him in the street; they called him Simon. Even as grown young men and women, Lee often remembered their names.

    Lee was a generous, principled and selfless fighter for the working class. His practice exemplified his dedication to work collectively with his comrades and students, parents and teachers. Later he became a high school biology teacher. He continued to participate in and lead numerous fight-backs inside and outside the school, confronting a hated, tyrannical principal, always with CHALLENGE in his hands.

    Once the principal tried to fire Lee. But to do so he had to excess five teachers with less seniority than Lee. Immediately Lee talked with his PLP club and together made a plan to mobilize teachers, students and parents to fight back, not only to save the teachers’ jobs, but also to sharpen the struggle against the many problems the students and staff faced in the school. As Lee and his students wrote for and distributed CHALLENGE, the students learned more about communism.

    The Board of Education sent Lee to another school where he faced a heavier teaching load and torturous trips up and down stairs, as the multiple sclerosis caused his motor skills to diminish. Despite the difficulties Lee continued the fight and won his previous job back the following year, while the principal was forced to resign! Lee’s determination and optimism never faltered.

    Lee always stood up to anti-communism. Although increasingly uneasy on his feet he insisted on selling CHALLENGE on a street corner where he and other comrades always went. When a cowardly, loud-mouthed anti-communist threatened to hit him and take his CHALLENGES, Lee remained steadfast. Within seconds another comrade decked the anti-communist and he sprawled to the sidewalk. As he got up and went running for the cops, a crowd gathered to defend us. Many knew us and CHALLENGE and grabbed up all of our papers and leaflets. When the cops arrived the crowd sent them and the anti-communist away with loud taunts and chants.

    Sadly soon after, Lee had to give up his teaching and public activities in the street. But for a number of years he visited tenants in his building, CHALLENGE in hand, with his cane and later with his wheelchair.

    Lee was a devoted and loving husband and father. His wife in turn was his loving companion and caretaker in his extended period of illness. We remember many outings to the park with Lee, his children and ours. We remember festive occasions in his home. During good times and difficult times Lee’s humility, positive attitude and cheerfulness both calmed and energized us. Our hearts go out to his family.

    Lee’s memory inspires us to be the kind of people and comrades that are necessary to fight for and establish a communist world. His optimism and confidence were rooted in his non-individualistic, collective approach to achieve our shared goal of an egalitarian society, based on struggle and change. He will always remain part of us as our struggle continues 

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    A Life of Struggle Leads to PLP

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    07 January 2010 372 hits

    EL SALVADOR — This is the conclusion to the story that appeared in the January 6 CHALLENGE. It tells of a comrade, an ex-commander in the FMLN guerilla army, who met the PLP through an old ex-fellow combatant with whom he shared many wartime experiences. His old friend related PLP’s communist ideas to him, after which he began reading CHALLENGE and attended several PLP club meetings, along with his wife (another ex-combatant). His subordinates in the war in El Salvador approved of his participation in PLP and asked him to write his history for CHALLENGE. Part I related his poverty-stricken childhood, the influence of the church, his joining the Revolutionary People’s Army and his joining the struggle in Nicaragua to gain experience for the eventual liberation of El Salvador. Part I ended when he arrived in Nicaragua’s northern zone of Estelí.

     

    Part II:

    In Estelí, German Pomares, known as Danto, was in charge of 80 people, including an administrative structure, a medical team of three to five, a team to maintain weapons, ammunition and explosives and a communications team with a radio to coordinate their political and military plans with the responsible general at the front.

    The rest were organized in squads, platoons and columns, prepared for combat. The three of us from El Salvador were integrated into a squad of ten men. After our first battle, we were put second in command of the squad.

    In that first battle, one of the three comrades was killed. Three days later, in the final offensive, my other comrade was killed. The squad leader told me, “In these difficult times of our struggle, we can’t retreat. You know that several of our Nicaraguan comrades died and today the other comrade from El Salvador died. Only you are left. You must be very strong and continue to advance because the struggle is ours and we’re going to El Salvador.”

    With tears in my eyes, I told him, “I have no alternative but to continue forward, and we have to win.” Three days later we defeated the enemy. A few months afterwards, our ERP organization sent me to bring back the three comrades still in Managua. We returned to El Salvador in 1980.

    From 1978, when I had left El Salvador, I had had no communication with my family or with our organization. When I returned, I discovered that my family and all the villagers had been killed, including the old people and the children. The people were ready to confront the enemy but had only a few old pistols and explosives that some friends had prepared.

    Returning to El Salvador, I had had two experiences in the military — one in the barracks as a soldier and one in the Sandinista insurrection. In addition, I had the political understanding of how governments maintain their political and military power. All of this helped me; I shared it with the comrades for our struggle here in El Salvador.

    Upon my return I was made second in the military and political command, in a zone called el Cacahuatique, the historic zone of war. By 1981 we were armed, having taken weapons from the enemy. The next year we attacked the barracks of the 3rd Infantry Brigade in the department of San Miguel and in other departments of El Salvador. I was seriously injured here by fragments from a grenade of an M79 launched by the enemy.

    Our organization decided to take me for medical treatment, first to Nicaragua and then to Cuba. I lost my voice for two years but then I began to talk a little. In 1983 I returned to El Salvador and rejoined our army as second in command of our military force in Morazán. Our forces controlled the territory from 1983 until 1992 when the peace accords were signed. We were told to turn in all our weapons and then go to work in order to survive.

    I wasn’t convinced our new life would be very good because, in the countryside, we didn’t do too well, economically or politically, but we still had to do it. They gave us a few things, a small plot of land, a house, a loan of 15,000 colones (US$1,700) to begin work, a bed, a blanket, a stove, a container of gas, a table, a machete, a hoe, and an irrigation pump. With this, and with the war ended, in 1992 we went to the land we were given to start work.

    In 1997, I decided to go to the United States because our lives here had no political or economic future. In the U.S. I encountered problems for immigrants. To work, one had to have a work permit and to be able to speak English. Without that, there’s no possibility of finding a good job.

    But while in the U.S., I began to understand the repressive government social policy. With the little I had earned in five years, I re-paid my debts of 50,000 colones (US$5,700).

    I returned to El Salvador and witnessed the general political situation, of the right-wing and of the fake left inside the FMLN. They had little possibility of winning the 2004 elections. I realized this wasn’t the moment to come to power because our people weren’t willing to vote. I don’t have much to say about electoral politics. I left the FMLN because I don’t agree with their reactionary ideology. It is the same capitalism.

    About my life: I didn’t know how to read or write because I couldn’t go to school. I learned a little in the army and a little more during the war, at least to write my name. But I learned to know myself, to respect others and how to survive with our people, our men and women comrades. I learned to understand our society in general.

    After the peace accords I learned that those who were responsible for our organization, those in the ERP, had no regard for my contribution to our struggle in El Salvador and in Nicaragua. But I’m not sorry for my actions. I carried them out clearly, conscious of what I did. I ended up with physical problems, also not valued by the organization, but I valued what I did.

    Note: I hope what I’ve written is useful and helps my two children. Today my life has many problems, physically and because of my age. These are obstacles, but we always look to survive on the revolutionary road. The FMLN has no hope. I’ve found among the PLP comrades a new spark of life to make the fight for the international working class. Many of the ex-fighters who were under my command are today members of the PLP and I’m headed in this direction. Greetings, Comrades of the World! 

    1. Imperialists’ Battle for Mideast Oil Heats Up
    2. 2009 Marked by Capitalism’s Crisis, Workers’ Anger and Fight-Back
    3. A Lifetime of Struggle for the International Working Class
    4. Obama’s ‘Job’ Program: More Troops, More Wars

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